I would finally be debating in our Debate class this coming Thursday and with the right timing, the topic that we would be debating about would be the latest “bangayan” quarrel between Sen Panfilo Lacson and former President Joseph Estrada, represented in the Senate by his own son, Sen Jinggoy Estrada.

“Only in the Philippines” as my professor commented, that you’d find Senators and members of Congress using the podium, their parliamentary immunity, the people’s money to rant on and on against their political rivals and enemies.

As part of the preparatory stage before any debate, research is highly imperative, so I share in full the privilege speech of Sen Jinggoy Estrada in defense of his father, former President Joseph Estrada.

**************

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues of this august chamber:
I rise today before this distinguished assembly with a heavy heart, to respond to the innuendoes and half-truths which our colleague delivered yesterday in this very hall.

I rise today, mr. President, on a matter of personal and collective privilege in defense of the honor of president joseph estrada over this vicious and savage assault made by a person whom President Estrada trusted and supported without reservations.

Mr. Lacson, by his own admission, mr. President, acknowledged that he was plucked from the obscurity of his position as provincial director in Laguna.

Sinabi ni ginoong lacson na hindi niya masikmura ang talamak na jueteng doon sa laguna noong siya ay provincial director. Bakit hindi siya nagbitiw ng kanyang tungkulin noong mga panahong iyon?

Si ginoong lacson, ginoong pangulo, ay hindi man lang kakilala ni pangulong estrada. Si ginoong lacson ay ipinakilala lamang ni general reynaldo berroya kay pangulong estrada.

At ito ang naging daan para mabigyan ng magandang posisyon si ginoong lacson sa pacc na pinamumunuan ni pangulong estrada na noon ay pangalawang pangulo.

It was therefore general berroya who recruited and recommended mr. Lacson to then vice-president estrada. It did not take long before mr. Lacson betrayed mr. Berroya.

Mr. Lacson, by his own admission, mr. President, openly acknowledged that president estrada’s personal recommendation earned him in 1994 his first star rank, way ahead of his peers and even senior officers.

Mr. Lacson, by his own admission, acknowledged that president estrada appointed him as chief of the philippine national police in 1999.

If there were indeed second thoughts over his appointment then, it was because mr. Lacson was embroiled in the kuratong-baleleng controversy rub-out.

Mr. President, we heard yesterday self-serving statements from mr. Lacson. They were a combination of gutter talk, hearsay and fishwives tales.

They were accounts as fictionalized as the state of the nation addresses of this present dispensation.

Ginoong pangulo, bakit ngayon lang nagsasalita si ginoong lacson?

Bakit naghintay si ginong lacson ng walong taon para magsalita?

Bakit ngayon lang siya nagbubulgar ng mga paratang na walang maliwanag na basehan maliban sa kanyang personal na mga pananaw?

Ngayon lamang ba nagsasalita si mr. Lacson dahil papalapit na ang halalan sa darating na taon at may iba siyang kandidato sa pagka-pangulo?

In all these, we ask, what are his motives? Is he now on the way to show his real color as an administration man masquerading as part of the opposition?

Was he not instrumental in dividing the opposition in the presidential elections of 2004 even if he knew very well that he will take away votes from the front-runner, fernando poe, jr.?

As a result, this corrupt administration was allowed to continue in power.

Today, it is mr. Lacson’s true nature that is being unmasked. We see the character of a man who, without any qualms or any sense of decency, would smear the very person who helped him not only in his professional career, but in his own political ambitions.

And if mr. Lacson was indeed repelled by president estrada’s policies and behavior when he was president, why did he not resign right there and then?

If mr. Lacson was then being bypassed by dealing directly with mr. Lacson’s subordinates when president estrada was president, why did he not take the honorable and logical course of action, which is to resign?

Was this the act and behavior of a man who now presents himself as a man of principle? Or was this a cowardly and opportunistic act?

Where was that call of conscience that mr. Lacson so proudly proclaims and pontificates today?

Mr. President, sometime in december of last year, one of the lawyers of senior superintendent cezar mancao sought and audience with me.

In that meeting with this representation, this lawyer, atty. Bernard vitriolo, requested financial assistance for his client because mr. Lacson has allegedly abandoned them.

Ang tanong ko sa abugado ni mr. Mancao, “bakit sa akin kayo lumalapit? Bakit hindi kay mr. Lacson? Ang sagot sa akin ng abugado ni cesar mancao, and i quote, “pinabayaan at tinabla na kami…”

This, mr. President, is the true character of mr. Lacson.

Matapos gamitin ang isang tao, bigla na lamang ibibitin ni mr. Lacson sa balag ng alanganin. Iyan ang tunay na pagkatao ni mr. Lacson.

At ngayon, si president estrada na kumupkop at tumulong kay mr. Lacson kung saan man siya nakarating ngayon ang kanyang kinakalaban sa hindi malamang dahilan.

Has mr. Lacson also forgotten so easily that it was president estrada’s endorsement he sought when he ran for office as senator in 2001 and again in 2007?

Has mr. Lacson forgotten that he even sought president estrada’s audience in my grandmother’s house in 2007 to seek his support when president estrada was allowed to visit that christmas?

Mr. President, when president estrada and i were detained at the veterans memorial medical center, i distinctly remember that mr. Lacson together with the older brother of congressman ronnie zamora, mr. Manny zamora, visited president estrada.

This was sometime in 2003 and asked for the support of president estrada for his planned candidacy for president in the presidential elections of 2004.

Mr. President, i know this for a fact because i was there and i witnessed and heard the conversation between president estrada and mr. Lacson.

And has mr. Lacson forgotten that he went to tanay where president estrada was detained in 2007 one fine sunday afternoon to seek his support in his campaign for reelection in 2007?

And has mr. Lacson also forgotten that president estrada, even if he was already incarcerated and burdened by the plunder case against him, willingly without hesitation gave his support?

Mr. President, if president estrada is the devious criminal that mr. Lacson would now portray him to be, why did mr. Lacson go to great lengths to seek his endorsment, not once, not twice, but three times, in the elections of 2001, 2004, and 2007?

Mr. President, mr. Lacson accuses president estrada today of so many things. And yet, for more than eight years, he remained silent, only to speak today with all the vile and venom that we now hear spewing from his mouth.

Mr. President, if president estrada was a jueteng protector as mr. Lacson belatedly claims now, why would president estrada seek to legalize jueteng into bingo two-ball?

It is in the very records of this distinguished chamber that then senator joseph estrada’s maiden privilege speech when he was elected senator in 1987 is the call to legalize jueteng.

Is this the act of a man who has benefitted from jueteng?

If ever president estrada did not bear down on jueteng at that time, he was deeply concerned with those who depended on it for their livelihood.

Anong trabaho ang ibibigay sa kanila? Hahayaan ba natin silang pumunta sa mas masamang mga gawain?

President estrada was concerned that those who depended on jueteng would be deprived of income and it was necessary to find an alternative for them.

The legalization of jueteng was deemed as the solution to this problem.

Mr. Lacson, according to president estrada, was asked to go after kidnap for ransom gangs, car napping and drug lords

Mr. President, mr. Lacson also accuses president estrada of harassing and pressuring mr. Alfonso yuchengco of selling his shares in the philippine telecommunications investment corporation to metro pacific as represented by mr. Manuel v. Pangilinan.

This was a purely private transaction and which mr. Lacson does not tell us the motives or the reasons why president estrada would have to resort to this.

The legal counsel of mr. Pangilinan yesterday denied that pressure was made upon mr. Yuchengco to sell.

Mr. President, mr. Yuchengo is a minority stake holder with less than 3 percent stock holdings in the ptic.

Will mr. Lacson now also come out with the fabulous claim that other stockholders were also pressured into selling to mr. Pangilinan?

mr. Yuchengco now claims that he was pressured into selling to corroborate mr. Lacson’s claim.

Mr. President, how can we trust the word of someone who was one of the first beneficiaries of gma when rcbc floated the infamous peace bonds?

Our people, mr. President, will soon pay the price as these bonds mature.

How can we take the word of someone like mr. Yuchengco who has betrayed the trust of thousands of pacific plan holders?

Mr. Lacson also accuses president estrada of condoning rice smuggling in cebu and of chicken parts. By mr. Lacson’s admission, it was his men who were being accused of harassing shipments in the customs area.

Mr. President, according to president estrada, he constituted task force aduana to go after all forms of smuggling. President estrada was however disappointed that after two months, this task force was unable to deliver and apprehend big time smugglers.

President estrada then abolished task force aduana and assigned this task to paoctf under mr. Lacson. He asked mr. Lacson to go after smuggling.

Ginoong pangulo, ito ba ang presidente na makikipag-sabwatan sa mga smugglers?

Kung ang pangulong estrada ay kasabwat ng mga smugglers, bakit kailangan niyang buwagin ang task force aduana at ibigay ang responsibilidad sa paoctf sa pamumuno ni mr. Lacson?

If president estrada was indeed involved in smuggling, why not relieve paoctf and mr. Lacson of the authority to act against smuggling and assign this another unit which will be more cooperative?

Mr. President, if the then pacc and the paoctf which mr. Lacson headed were successful, it was not because of mr. Lacson alone. It is because of the dedicated and committed personnel that served these agencies with the full support of president estrada.

It is not because of mr. Lacson, but because the men and women behind these task forces were because of the collective efforts of these honorable personel possessed with a deep sense of duty.

Mr. President, when president estrada assumed office, he chose respected and honorable professionals to be members of his cabinet.

These are men of honor and integrity who can guide and advise him. These are men like secretary titoy pardo, benjamin diokno, alberto romualdez, benny laguesma, and many others.

These are people who are professionals who would have rejected any corrupt or illegal acts that president estrada may be engaged in. And these are people who have never been involved in any corrupt acts.

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues, i send this warning to all presidentiables: beware of those persons with wicked predispositions.

Be wary of those who come to you and profess uncompromising allegiance and unwavering loyalty.

They may last only while convenient and compatible with their own selfish interests and self-serving agenda.

Learn the lessons from president estrada.

Mr. President, i always thought that lying has been the hallmark and trademark of the present administration. It is however contagious and sadly, it has also now reach the walls of this chamber.

Mr. President, after all is said and done, the bottomline here is that mr. Lacson, in desperation, is now using the senate floor to divert attention to president estrada and away from himself in connection with the forthcoming non-bailable double murder charge that will be filed against him in the dacer-corbito murder case.

Mr. President, the counsel of col. Cesar mancao, atty. Ferdinand topacio today issued the following statement, and which i now read and quote:

“in my honest opinion, as a lawyer, and based on the evidence so far adduced in court by my client, cezar mancao ii, the only direct evidence with respect to the mastermind in the dacer-corbito double murder case pertains to sen. Panfilo lacson.

The evidence regarding the participation of former president joseph e. Estrada in the said crime is at best sketchy thus far, and in my humble opinion, will not pass muster either in a court of law or before any preliminary investigation in the department of justice” end of quote and signed ferdinand s. Topacio, 15 september 2009.

Ginoong pangulo, ang masasabi ko lamang doon sa mga sinungaling: hindi kayo lulubayan ng katotohanan, at lalong hindi kayo tatantanan ng kasinungalingan.

At kailan pa man, kami at ang aming pamilya ay hindi natatakot sa sinuman na bihasang magpatahimik sa kanyang mga kalaban.

Nalalaman ko, ginoong lacson, na ninanais mong idawit si pangulong estrada sa iba pang mga bagay. Nguni’t ako ay nakahandang magsiwalat ng iba pang mga katotohanan tungkol sa iyong tunay na pagkatao.

At nalalaman namin na ang katotohanan ang siyang magpapalaya sa amin.

Maraming salamat at magandang hapon sa inyong lahat!

• Ang Dalawang Mukha ng Sining – privilege speech of Sen Panfilo Lacson (0)
• The role of the progressive party list bloc in 15th Congress (0)
• From Jun Lozada: What is Neri afraid to say and why? (3)
• Davao Mayor takes law into her own hands – literally (2)
• What the Edsa revolution was all about (1)

Here in full text, is the bombshell of a speech dropped by Sen Panfilo Lacson against former President Joseph Estrada. It’s election time here in the Philippines so privilege speeches like these are common fare in national television and media. It’s like a free election campaign for politicians, at the expense of the people’s hard-earned taxes!

******************

In Greek drama, masks were useful devices that allow the actor to play several different characters.

In the Philippine political drama, nothing much differs.

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues. Today, I rise on a matter of
personal and collective privilege.

The great American writer Elbert Green Hubbard once wrote:

If you work for a man, in heaven’s name work for him…. If you must
vilify, condemn, and eternally disparage, resign your position, and
when you are OUTSIDE, DAMN TO YOUR HEART’S CONTENT, but as long as you are part of the institution do not condemn it. If you do that, you are loosening the tendrils that are holding you to that institution, and at the first high wind that comes along, you will be uprooted and blown away, and will probably never know the reason why.

I hope you will understand why it has taken me this long to unburden
myself of the truth I carry.

Having once been a professional soldier trained in the tradition and
practice of institutional and even personal loyalty, only the higher
interest of nation and people, and the highest call of conscience,
impel me to speak out.

Mr. President, you, more than any of us in this hall, understand what I mean.

When you went through the gut-wrenching crucible of mutiny against
your commander-in-chief on February 22, 1986, you had to choose
between loyalty to person against loyalty to the higher interest of
nation and people.

Jose Ejercito, or Joseph Estrada, also known as Jose Velarde, former
president of the Republic of the Philippines and the first and only
head of state of this country to be impeached by Congress was elected
in 1998 with the highest number of votes cast by the Filipino people
ever.

He also won by the biggest margin ever, over his closest opponent,
Jose de Venecia Jr.

His campaign slogan –Erap para sa Mahirap – was a masterpiece, almost a stroke of genius.

Before he ran for the presidency, I worked with him closely as head of
an anti-crime task force of the defunct Presidential Anti-Crime
Commission formed by then President Fidel Valdez Ramos to combat the
kidnapping scourge that was gripping the country.

Foreign investors were avoiding us, while local businessmen,
especially the ethnic Chinese, were transferring elsewhere.

It was one big security and even economic threat that faced the newly
elected president in 1992.

I joined then Vice President Estrada on August 4, 1992, after a
short-lived stint as provincial director of Laguna in the Southern
Tagalog region.

I gladly accepted the offer to join PACC since I was not happy anyway
with my Laguna assignment.

I was consistently at loggerheads with most of the local elective
officials when I waged a no-nonsense, uncompromising battle against
the illegal numbers game, jueteng, in that jurisdiction.

Needless to say, those officials who were on the take from jueteng
operators hated my guts and wanted me out of the province at first
opportunity.

At the PACC, and it is a matter of public record, we scored high in
our anti-crime efforts. In less than a year, we brought down an
alarmingly high incidence of kidnap-for-ransom cases to zero.

Literally, zero.

This was highlighted by the neutralization of the dreaded Red Scorpion
Group on February 17, 1993.

Modesty aside, but without mental reservation, I can dare say our
performance helped chart Mr. Estrada’s road to the presidency.

More than a couple of years before the May 1998 presidential
elections, he was virtually a president-in-waiting.

Mr. Estrada impressed me with the way he handled his subordinates. He
personally took care of our needs, always mindful of our safety and
security.

He also managed to personally thank and commend all the operatives for a good day’s work, even giving incentives after big accomplishments

It was his personal recommendation to then President Ramos that earned me my first star rank in 1994, way ahead of my peers and even senior officers in the Philippine National Police.

During our private conversations, he would tell me:

“Alam mo Ping, kung matitigil lang ang katiwalian sa ating bansa,
siguradong maiaangat natin mula sa kahirapan ang karamihan ng ating
mga kababayan. Napakalaki kasi ang nawawala sa budget dahil sa
‘corruption’, kaya hindi tayo makaahon sa hirap.”

Having been born to poor parents myself, he struck me as the man our
country needed to lead our people.

Needless to say, I was impressed.

I would tell my men and as many people I could reach, “Kung mahal
natin ang ating bansa, si Erap ang dapat nating maging susunod na
presidente at wala nang iba.”

I put those words into action during the presidential campaign in 1998.

Under pain of being accused of electioneering, I mustered all the men
I had worked with in the Philippine National Police and the Armed
Forces of the Philippines to mount an organized strategic effort to
thwart election fraud as that could be the only way to prevent Mr.
Estrada’s victory in the 1998 presidential election.

My men and I went around the whole country – Luzon, Visayas and
Mindanao, talked to as many field commanders and chiefs of police, so
that they would not allow themselves to be used as instruments to
cheat Mr Estrada out of sure victory.

In one of our visits in Mindanao, I met with then Southcom Chief Lt.
Gen. Joselin Nazareno.

I brought him to Vice President Estrada to make his personal
commitment to guard the votes in Mindanao and made Mr Estrada promise to consider him as the next AFP Chief of Staff when he becomes president.

He did not just promise to consider. He committed the post to Gen. Nazareno.

So Erap became president, all right.

After his victory in May 1998, he started making announcements for
possible appointments to key positions in his government.

One not-so-fine afternoon, he summoned me to his Polk St. Greenhills
residence and asked if he could appoint another ranking general as AFP
Chief of Staff, instead of Gen. Nazareno.

I told him, that was his prerogative as incoming commander-in-chief,
but firmly reminded him that a promise was made to Gen. Nazareno.

His sudden amnesia got me to start thinking, “something could be wrong with the character of this man.”

This thought came again sometime in early June of 1998.

He called me to talk about what I thought would be my possible
appointment as Chief, PNP.

Instead, he expressed his thoughts on jueteng and how he intended to
deal with it during his presidency.

He said: “Ping, iniisip ko, pagbigyan na lang natin itong jueteng.
Alam mo, ang mga governors at mayors, lalo na ‘yung mga tumulong sa
akin sa eleksyon, wala sila ng katulad sa President’s social fund na
galing sa Pagcor. Marami silang gastusin at sa jueteng lang nila
pwedeng kunin ang pera.”

Shocked and surprised, I retorted, “Sir, ilegal ‘yan. Saka presidente
na kayo. Dapat huwag na kayong makialam sa jueteng. Larong lupa pati
iyan. Sasabog kayo diyan at masisira tayo pareho.

Visibly dismayed and irritated, he said, “Sige, saka na lang tayo mag-usap.”

He walked me to the main door of his house and used another tack:
“Saka, Ping, ‘yung mga tao natin dati sa task force, gusto ko rin
silang bigyan ng monthly allowance.”

To which I quickly replied: “Sir, ang mga tao natin, kami lahat,
mababaw lang ang kaligayahan namin. Kahit additional subsistence
allowance lang, happy na kami.”

Hiding his irritation, he gave me a quick and curt goodbye.

Finally on November 16, 1999, I was appointed Chief, PNP. But only
after persistent second thoughts from the appointing authority.

On November 15 of the same year, I received a call from his cohort,
Mr. Jaime Dichavez, who was, at that time, with Mr. Estrada in
Tagaytay Highlands in Cavite.

Mr. Dichavez told me I was to be informed of my appointment as Chief, PNP.

It did not turn out to be that simple.

In the living room of the Tagaytay resthouse, he told me very
seriously: “Ping, dapat pagbigyan natin ang operation ng jueteng.
Maraming umaasa diyan.”

“Eto na naman kami,” I said to myself.

By that time, I had realized jueteng had always been the deal breaker
in getting my impending appointment and must be the reason why I was not appointed in June of 1998.

Maintaining my immovable position that I cannot, as we must not,
tolerate anything that is illegal, he asked, “Sino ba ang mas senior
sa inyo ni Wycoco?” (referring to the late NBI director, Reynaldo
Wycoco), to which I answered, “Kung seniority sir sa PMA (Philippine
Military Academy), siya, dahil una siyang nag-graduate. Pero ngayon,
pareho lang kaming 2-star general, sir.”

He did not appoint me right there, instead instructed me to follow his
convoy back to Malacañang in Metro Manila.

It was in Malacañang, that same evening, that he finally informed me
of my appointment to the position, but not without his “huling hirit
sa jueteng.”

It was also during that conversation when I told him I was aware of
the monthly P5 Million “S.O.P.” being given by Gov. Chavit Singson to
the Chief, PNP as part of an organized payola, and that I was waiving
it, therefore would not accept it.

Three or four months after my assumption of office, I learned that Mr.
Estrada asked Gov. Singson to remit to him retroactively the monies
intended for the Chief, PNP.

He told Gov. Singson: “Gov, baka akala mo, hindi ko alam na hindi
kinukuha ng bagong Chief,PNP ang para sa kanya. Ibigay mo rin sa akin
‘yan.”

After all the internal reforms that I instituted in the PNP were in
place, including my “no-take policy, anti-kotong campaign, 34-inch
maximum waistline, strong anti-crime and anti-drugs campaign, proper
allocation and downloading of funds, and logistics to front-line
units, I started training my guns on the illegal numbers game –
jueteng.

It was a no-nonsense, no-matter-who-gets-hurt kind of a campaign.

I thought if I was hard on lowly policemen who stopped mulcting P100
or P200 from vegetable dealers and hapless taxi cab and jeepney
drivers out of deference to my no-take policy, I should be as hard, if
not harder, against my regional and provincial directors who were
raking in millions of pesos from gambling operators.

This was when my life started to become miserable.

The general public, even most of my distinguished colleagues in this
hall, may not be aware of this, but it was common knowledge in
Malacañang as well as in Camp Crame at that time, that for the most
part of the second half of the year 2000, I was not welcome in the
palace due to my differences with then President Estrada over the
issue of jueteng.

Mr. Estrada had unofficially declared me persona non grata in the
palace grounds.

I was practically in the doghouse for an unusually extended period of
time. Mr. Estrada would not talk to me.

He was dealing directly with my subordinate officers, both at the
PAOCTF and the PNP, which I both headed in concurrent capacity.

I could not even report to him about major incidents like the bombings
in Mindanao because he was no longer answering my calls, which he used to do, and in earnest.

“Anak ng jueteng na buhay ito!” I would tell my close friends.

Jueteng became a sore point between me and Mr. Estrada. I made it
clear that I would stick to my “no-take policy” and I continued to
issue stern warnings to my regional and provincial directors that if
they tolerate jueteng operations in their areas of responsibility,
they would be removed and subjected to harsh disciplinary action.

At least one regional director who had direct and strong connections
with Mr Estrada was defiant.

When I confronted him, he said, “Napagalitan ako ni presidente nang
simulan ko ang kampanya laban sa jueteng dito. Sino ba ang susundin
ko, Chief, PNP o ang Commander-in-Chief?”

I was successful in instituting reforms in the PNP because Mr. Estrada
gave me full authority which I asked in the first place when I got
appointed to the post.

But because of jueteng, Mr Estrada, issued a written memorandum to
then Secretary of Interior and Local Government Alfredo Lim,
effectively taking away from me the authority to appoint and remove
police officials down to provincial director level.

“Hindi nga talaga mahina ang ulo ng presidenteng ito,” I told myself.
By removing that authority, I could no longer discipline my officers,
I would fail in my anti-gambling operations and worse, I would
definitely fail in my mission.

Resigning my position crossed my mind then. I spent many sleepless
nights agonizing over my situation.

In one of our Cluster E Cabinet meetings held in the office of the
DFA, then AFP Chief of Staff Gen Angelo Reyes took pity on me and gave
his advice, “Pare, Commander-in-Chief natin ‘yan. Pagbigyan mo na muna ngayon at saka ninyo na lang pag-usapan ang problema ninyo ni
Presidente.”

I answered him, “Sir, question de prinsipyo ito. Ako ang nasa tama sa
labang ito. Tanggalin na lang n’ya ako, pero hindi ako bibigay dito.”

I found out later that indeed Mr. Estrada had started gathering legal
basis to justify my relief.

On hindsight, people close to Mr. Estrada and this representation
would say as an afterthought – EDSA 2 could not have happened had Mr Estrada listened to General Lacson’s consistent advice on jueteng.
Simple.

But on the other hand, EDSA 2 would not have happened if I went along with Mr. Estrada and Gov. Singson and altogether tolerated jueteng operations.

Why?

Bingo 2-Ball would not have been conceived to legalize jueteng.

We all know that it was during its implementation that there was a
misunderstanding and falling out between Mr. Estrada and Chavit
Singson.

Mr. Estrada realized that I would not waver on my stand against
jueteng and thought that by legalizing it, I would not have any more
reason to conduct raids and operations.

Jueteng is just one illustrative insight into the character of Mr.
Estrada as a government official, and as President of the country.
There were other sinister behavioral patterns that must be told to the
Filipino people.

Sa likod ng isang maka-mahirap na Joseph Estrada na mahal na mahal ng masa, ay maraming transaksyon na may kasamang pang-aabuso, gamit ang kapangyarihang kaagapay ng pagiging pangulo ng bansa, upang magkamal ng maraming salapi para sa sariling kapakanan.

In August 1998, in the early part of Mr. Estrada’s abbreviated
presidency, Mr. Alfonso Yuchengco was pressured to sign conveyance of his 7.75% PTIC (Philippine Telecommunications Investment Corporation) holdings, equivalent to 18,720 shares to Metro Pacific, represented by Manuel V. Pangilinan.

These PTIC holdings correspond to 2,017,650 PLDT common shares.

Mr. Yuchengco, I also learned later, was pressed to sign a waiver of
his right of first refusal over the PTIC shares of the Cojuangco-Meer
group.

It was only after the passage of many years that I was to learn that
Mr. Estrada, barely two months in office then, used the PNP to harass
Mr. Yuchengco’s son, Tito, with threat of arrest on some trumped-up
drug charges to force his father, Mr. Yuchengco to sell.

This harassment of the young man was accomplished through deliberate and obvious physical surveillance.

“Napag-alaman ko na matagal tagal ding may kimkim na galit daw sa akin ang pamilyang Yuchengco sa dahilang ang pagkaalam nila ay sa akin iniutos ni Mr Estrada ang panggigipit sa kanila upang mapwersang
magbenta ng kanilang pag-aaring shares of stocks ng PLDT.

Sa inyo, Ginoong Pangulo ng Senado, mga pinagpipitaganan kong
kasamahan at sampu ng pamilya Yuchengco — wala po akong kamalay-malay sa pangyayaring iyan.

At kung halimbawa mang sa akin iniutos ni Mr Estrada ang gawaing iyon, ay siguradong hindi ko po susundin.”

The bigger and more important question remains – “What was the deal in pesos and centavos between Mr Estrada and Mr Pangilinan, if any?”

Or, should we rather ask, “How much was involved?”

Sa larangan naman ng smuggling sa Customs at sa iba pang lugar ay
hindi rin masusukat ang kakayahan ni Mr. Estrada.

When Mr. Estrada transferred the mission of going after smugglers from
the late Lt Gen. Jose Calimlim’s unit in PSG to the PAOCTF, he gave me
the mandate to go hammer and tongs against smugglers.

Yet one morning, I received a call from Mr. Estrada. “May mga tao ka
raw na nangha-harass sa Customs,” he said with a low tone.

After checking with my officers, I replied, “Wala sila sir sa loob ng
Customs zone kaya imposibleng makapang-harass sila doon. Nandun sila
sa labas, malapit sa Manila Hotel at may inaabangan na ilulusot na
shipments ng dressed chicken parts from China and the US.”

He bellowed, “Basta i-pull out mo!”

A few days later in a light conversation on the topic of smuggling,
inside his office in Malacañang, I told Mr. Estrada, “Alam mo sir,
dalawampung 40-foot containers sana ng dressed chickens ang nahuli
natin kung hindi mo iniutos i-pull out ang mga tao natin.”

With a mocking voice, he said, “Sana hindi kayo nag-pull out.”

Akala ko, nang bigyan ako ng kautusang lipulin ang mga smugglers sa
pier, totoong-totoo at seryoso. Ako namang si gago, trabaho lang ng
trabaho. ‘Yun pala, moro-moro.

May dalawang mukha nga ba ang sining? O, sa likod ng putting tabing ay ibang itsura ng mukha ang nakatago?

Pagkatapos ng manok na galing sa Tsina at Amerika, dumako naman tayo
sa bigas na tanim ng Vietcong.

Sometime in August 2000, when Mr. Estrada was hardly talking to me, on account of my hard-headedness on the issue of jueteng, he was giving a direct order to one of my subordinate officers in PAOCTF to release a shipload of smuggled rice that was apprehended somewhere in the Cebu-Bohol area.

The PAOCTF officer was with me in Cebu during that time, and he was
relaying to me the President’s order.

I did not bother to find out anymore if the officer complied or not
with Mr. Estrada’s order.

I thought I should not interfere with a direct order coming from the
President to a subordinate officer because in doing so I felt that it
would add insult to injury upon myself.

Sadly, because we never punish smugglers, the same people who
sabotaged our economy during the Estrada regime are the same saboteurs in bed with the present dispensation.

Walang nagbago, lalo lang lumaki ang komisyon at lagayan.

In an effort to defend himself from accusations that he may have been
involved in the Dacer-Corbito double murder case, he has consistently
asserted that he never dealt with officials other than the heads of
agencies.

Yet, on so many occasions, and I have personal knowledge on this,
during his presidency, he was giving direct orders and instructions
deep into the layers of the entire government bureaucracy, the PNP and the PAOCTF included.

And those who have worked with him in Malacañang know whereof I speak.

Mr. Estrada had the temerity to issue a press statement that I was the
one who knew and in fact supervised what former police officer Cezar
Mancao had testified in court as “Operation or Oplan Delta”, allegedly
a special operations plan designed to neutralize Salvador “Bubby”
Dacer.

Mabuti pa si Mr. Estrada, alam niyang may “Oplan Delta.” Ako, sa mga
pahayagan at kamakailan ko lamang narinig at nalaman na mayroon palang “Oplan Delta.”

Sa halip na i-depensa na lang niya ang sarili niya, bakit siya
kailangang magturo ng iba?

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues, maraming bagay-bagay na sa
abot ng aking natuklasan, matapos ang aking sariling pagsasaliksik at
pag-iimbestiga hindi lamang sa usaping ito kundi pati ibang kasong
maaring kinasangkutan ni Ginoong Estrada ang nais kong ibahagi sa
kapulungang ito.

Marami din akong gustong itanong kay Mr. Estrada:

1. Sino ang inutusan mo para i-harass at gipitin ang pamilya ni Al Yuchengco?

2. Sino ang tumawag sa iyo para utusan ako na i-pull out ang mga tao
kong nakaabang na hulihin ang smuggled chicken parts?

3. Kaninong shipment ng smuggled rice ang ipina-release mo sa Cebu?

4. At higit sa lahat, anu-ano pa ang mga iniutos mo sa ating mga
dating tauhan sa PAOCTF na lingid sa aking kaalaman?

But for now and today, I will limit the subject of my privilege speech
to the issues I mentioned.

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues, with your indulgence, please
allow me to take the floor once again on Monday next week.

For former President Joseph Ejercito-Estrada, there is no corruption
if it does not involve government funds.

Therefore, following his flawed logic, it is not corruption to accept
bribes – from jueteng and some shady deals that involve using the
power and influence of the presidency.

He has not heard of ‘conflict of interest’ nor taking advantage of
one’s position to amass wealth.

He has not changed that loose definition of corruption.

In media interviews and in his conversations with friends and
associates, he maintains that he had not done anything wrong since all
his transactions while he was president did not involve government
funds.

Now he is presenting himself again to the Filipino people, for one
more chance at the presidency.

At this juncture of our history, after suffering eight years of
unmitigated corruption under the regime which succeeded the Estrada
presidency, I would be remiss in my sworn duties as an elected member
of the Senate, as a nationally elected official of the land, if I did
not unburden myself of my insights into the character of Mr. Estrada.

Marahil may mga magsasabi na sa mga binigkas ko ngayon ay hindi ako
marunong tumanaw ng utang na loob, lalo na sa pangulong siyang
naghirang sa akin.

Ngunit hindi naman din matatawaran ang naibahagi kong tulong, sampu ng aking mga tauhan, sa kanyang katanyagan nung siya ay nanunungkulang bise-presidente at bilang Chairman ng Presidential Anti-Crime Commission.

Ang mas mahalaga ay pairalin ang marapat at matuwid.

At lalong mahalaga na gawing kataas-taasang adhikain ang kapakanan at kinabukasan ng mamamayang Pilipino.

God save the Philippines from Joseph Ejercito alias Joseph Estrada.

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Upon reading on Philippine Commentary about John Silva discussing the proposed Anti-Obscenity and Pornography Bill when he substituted for Manolo Quezon on his show The Explainer, I quickly visited the Philippine Senate’s website to get a copy of the Senate Bill 2464 but for reasons not yet known, their website is down.

Senate website down

Just to make sure, I re-checked using downforeveryoneorjustme.com and yes, the Senate’s website is still down as of this writing.

Pray that the downtime is intended for site upgrades or maintenance or otherwise, many would come to think that someone opposed to the bill is really making their opposition felt.

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Alas my prayers as well as other anti-smoking advocates’ prayers were answered. A press release on the Philippine Senate’s website says a bill has been filed that, once it becomes a law, will require the “cigarette manufacturers to print on the packages of their products colored pictures to warn the people of the HAZARDS of tobacco smoking to human health.”

Senate Bill 2147 or the Picture-Based Health Warning Act is authored by Senate Minority Floor Leader Aquilino Pimentel who said:

“This bill seeks to effectively instill health consciousness through picture-based health warnings on tobacco products,”

“The use of prominent, colored and graphic picture-based warnings is a very effective means of conveying to the public in general and to smokers in particular, the hazards and ill-effects of tobacco use, including those associated with second-hand smoke.”

Bravo! Now if only more members of Congress will do their jobs and propose bills that will really serve the interests of the people then this country would be on its way to genuine progress.

Sends strong signal to youth smokers

Sen Pimentel cited figures from the World Health Organization-Global Youth Tobacco Survey that says 27 percent of Filipino teenagers aged 13-15 smoke cigarettes. Which means an increase by 30 percent in the number of youth smokers since 2006.

What are picture-based health warnings?

The bill defines what picture or graphic-based health warnings as:

warning labels that consist of a photographic picture on health dangers or other problems related to tobacco use or exposure to tobacco smoke and an accompanying textual warning that is related to the picture, as issued by the Department of Health.

Giving more teeth to the DOH

Also, the Department of Health will be given the sole authority to enforce and administer the provisions of this bill once it becomes a law. Those include, among others as:

• issue the necessary rules and regulations
• including the imposition of fines on violators
• issuance of subpoenas
• confiscation of non-complaint tobacco packages

This is good because if there would be any controversies in the implementation of this future law, like corruption or bribery from tobacco companies etc, investigations would be easier since there would only be few government agencies to scrutinize and make liable. Heck, if the President would be be involved, it could be a good basis for impeachment.

Stiff penalties

Those who will be held liable for violations of the proposed law are tobacco manufacturers, importers, exporters and distributors of tobacco products, as well as their agents/representatives.

Penalties include:

• first offense: not more than P1 million
• second offense: P5 million
• third offense: P20 million or imprisonment of not more than one year, or both at the discretion of the court

This bill will greatly boost the anti-smoking campaign in the country. I urge all of us to support this bill and see it through to its passage into law. Blog about this, mention this to your friends, family and co-workers. Get in touch with our Senators, thank them for all their hard work and urge them to pass this bill into law.

Get involved. Secure our health. Stop smoking.

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This Monday certainly proved to be a surprising one. Everything is happening so fast, there’s the plebiscite for the new USC Consitutitution of DLSU-D starting today until Friday, there’s the start of the Finals term for all of us college students (exams, exams, and more exams! Oh and projects and term papers too), and now this article by star witness of the Senate in its hearings on tainted NBN deal, Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada in which he literally spills the beans on former NEDA Director General and Secretary for Socio-Economic Planning Romulo Neri’s sudden invocation of “Executive Priviliege” when he last testified at the Senate on the hearings about the same.

It was originally published on-line in Pinoy Press, by Black & White Movement co-convenor Enteng Romano. Many bloggers have already re-published this article but I feel that I must also do the same so that the public would have more sources for this ‘must-read’ article in which, we hope that would finally convince them to do something about current developments in our socio-political life and for the renewal of our changing times.

Here is Jun Lozada’s article in verbatim as taken from MLQ3:

What is Neri afraid to say and Why?

Many speculations have been made as to what Neri knows about the ZTE-NBN most particularly the direct involvement of Pres. Gloria Arroyo in this abominable affair. After his damaging “Sec. May 200 ka dito” demolition of Abalos, the discredited former Comelec Chairman, many were left disappointed when Neri suddenly clamped up when the Senators started asking him about the nature of his conversation with Arroyo, no amount of coaxing, cajoling and threats was enough to break his Code of Omerta. The question on many people’s mind was, What was Neri trying to protect when he repeatedly invoked “Executive Priviledge” during that gruelling 12 hour Senate Blue Ribbon Committee hearing on live television?

We have known the Truth all along as one of the few people that Neri confided his predicament during those fateful days of April 2006, and how he wanted to resign his post of NEDA Director General and Secretary for Socio-Economic Planning over this incident where he lost all his moral respect for Pres. Gloria Arroyo.

We are doing this document to give the public an understanding of this predicament.

What is Neri afraid to tell the public? He is afraid to tell the public that after he reported the Abalos P200 million peso bribe offer, Arroyo casually told him to ignore it and work for its recommendation for approval anyway. That when he protested that it is too controversial and may attract the wrong kind of attention from media, Arroyo retorted back “Pakulo lang ni Joey yan and his father”. When he tried to reason that it may not be accommodated in the Chinese ODA package because it has been filled up with a list of projects already, Arroyo again ordered him to remove the low cost housing project and some water project to accommodate the ZTE-NBN deal in the ODA loan. That when he attempted to reason that it may not be approved in time for the Boao Forum which was only two days to go from that fateful April day, Arroyo with raised voice told him to include the ZTE-NBN project in the agenda of the following day’s meeting of a combined NEDA Board and Cabinet Committee, who as expected promptly approved the project paving the way for the contract signing between ZTE and DOTC in China the next day. Neri is afraid to tell the public that this conversation took place between him and Arroyo because it might spark another impeachment complaint against Arroyo.

Why is Neri afraid to tell the public about this conversation with Arroyo? He is afraid that another impeachment will simply result to more expenses of public funds similar to the Hyatt 10 impeachment crisis, because as DBM Secretary who replaced Boncodin, he was entrusted with the large scale DBM payola operation of Arroyo to Congressmen, Senators and Governors not quite similar to the crude Panlilio incident that the public is witnessing now. He is afraid with a more partisan Andaya at the helm of DBM, more public funds will be spent to buy the silence and favour of these greedy legislators and local executives. He is afraid that with Arroyo’s firm control of public funds she can buy all the necessary support from most sectors of society to keep her in power.

He is afraid that even if the opposition knows about this conversation with Arroyo, he is afraid that the opposition will not pursue a serious impeachment proceedings against Arroyo, because it is not to their political interest that Noli de Castro becomes President in case Arroyo is impeached and becomes a more formidable political opponent in 2010. This insincere and unpatriotic goal of the opposition is already being manifested by the malicious speed that the Erap pardon is being cooked by Ronnie Puno together with the Erap camp to hastily put a united front of “Birds of the same corrupt feather” coalition against the emerging JDV led political opposition.

He is afraid that even if the Church knows the truth about Arroyo’s direct involvement in the ZTE-NBN deal, the Church will still not call for her resignation due to the closeness of Arroyo’s trusted lady liason to the Cardinal of Manila who was very effective during the “Hello Garci” crisis. That Arroyo’s Religious Affairs Operators have the Bishops firmly in their “donation” graces, as again manifested by the quick rebuttal of the Mindanao Bishops’ of the call of their fellow bishops in Luzon who where calling for the resignation of Arroyo just after Arroyo gave them a visit in Mindanao.

He is afraid that even if the military knows the truth about Arroyo’s direct involvement in the fraudulent ZTE-NBN deal, the AFP brass is much to indebted to Arroyo for their position and the perks that goes with their position, that they have demonstrated this twisted loyalty with their willingness to detain, remove from the service and even shoot their own men for voicing out their legitimate concerns regarding the corruption and moral authority of their Commander in Chief. It is a sad spectacle to see the respected warriors of the Marines & Special Forces rot in jail with their ideals, while their men are dying even without receiving the measly P150 per day combat pay that was promised to them by Arroyo due to lack of funds & generals gets a gift bag similar to those given to the governors and congressmen just for having dinner with Arroyo the day after that infamous breakfast & lunch meeting where bribe money flowed scandalously free.

He is afraid that even if the Media knows the truth about Arroyo’s direct involvement in the ZTE-NBN scam, Media will simply wither in the torrents of cash and favors similar to how the Hyatt 10, Hello Garci crisis were killed in the media headlines and Radio& TV coverages. Although he believes in the integrity of a handful of Journalist, he believes that a handful of these mavericks cannot withstand the hordes of paid lackeys of Malacanang. Especially that the Arroyo crisis team is now being handled by the best mercenary money can buy, from Ramos Sulo Operation, Erap’s DILG and now Arroyo’s troubleshooter, Ronnie Puno. Ably supported by the Media and PR money from PAGCOR being handled by Cerge Remonte to buy positive airtime, headlines and editorials.

He is afraid that even if the Business Sector knows about the truth of Arroyo’s direct involvement to defraud the coffers of the taxes they are paying, the businessmen will be reluctant to rock the boat of the current economic uptrend, especially with the very close personal and business relationship of the so called leaders of the big business like Ricky Razon of ICTSI, Donald Dee of PCCI and Francis Chua of the Filipino-Chinese Federation to Arroyo herself. He is afraid that the hard earned remittances of Filipino OFWs that is keeping the economy booming and that can keep the economy afloat even under any administration is being wasted under this unholy alliance of Arroyo and her favoured businessmen.

He is afraid that even if the Civil Society knows the truth about Arroyo’s direct involvement in the ZTE-NBN deal, that the Civil Society is now tired of mass actions after witnessing two failed EDSA revolutions, that Civil Society is now afflicted with a “Rally Fatigue” and cannot muster enough public outrage to denounce Arroyo’s “corruption with impunity”. He is afraid that the middle class is now indifferent to the corruption that goes around them, not realising that the middle class are the ones mainly carrying the burden of the loan payments for these corrupt deals. He is afraid that the middle class are more interested to become an OFW & to leave this country leaving their family and children behind, and may not care anymore about the crimes being committed against their country by its own President.

He is afraid that even if the Masa, the students, the workers knows the truth about Arroyo’s direct involvement in the ZTE-NBN deal to steal precious resources from public funds, that they are now too poor and impoverished to be able to afford the time to join mass actions against the abuses of the Arroyo administration, that these former vanguards of mass actions in the country are now completely dependent on financial resources of professional organizers and have turned themselves into a “Rally for hire” groups rather than a true and genuine political gathering shouting for reforms.

He is afraid that the public may not know the extent of corruption in this country and may wrongly believe that they can cure corruption by simply replacing Arroyo with another person. He is afraid that the public may overlook the systemic and institutionalized nature of the source of corruption in this country, he is afraid that the people will again opt for a regime change without concern or a plan to correct the root causes of corruption in the country. He is afraid that people may not realize that it is not bringing Arroyo down that is difficult, it is establishing a new order that is the difficult task.

This is the predicament of Neri which I want people to realize especially to those who are asking Neri to tell the truth.

———————

It’s a confirmation and summary of what has been said and done and the why’s behind all of it. Many would not believe Lozada because ‘he is no saint’, but then again, wasn’t it that those who became saints were first ridiculed and rejected by society before they became one?

My point here is let’s focus on what is being said, not so more on the person who is saying it. I’ll expound more upon this in the coming days as these recenty developments have reached a level that we must be now more vigilant and watchful of how all these would progress. So that when the time comes, our action to save our nation would not be all but too late.

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